By Dave McRae
Regardless of no earlier heritage of modern unrest, Poso, from 1998-2007, turned the positioning of the main protracted inter-religious clash in postauthoritarian Indonesia, in addition to probably the most very important theatres of operations for the Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist community. 9 years of violent clash among Christians and Muslims in Poso increased a formerly little recognized district in japanese Indonesia to nationwide and international prominence. Drawing on a decade of analysis, for the main half performed whereas the clash was once ongoing, this e-book presents the 1st entire heritage of this violence. It additionally addresses the puzzle of why the Poso clash was once capable of persist for therefore lengthy in an more and more, sturdy democratic kingdom, regardless of the take place weaknesses of the small teams of guys riding the violence.
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Extra resources for A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia
Bertrand observes that this visible success for ICMI further enhanced the organizations’s prestige: Muslim bureaucrats across the country newly swelled its ranks, while the circulation of its daily Republika newspaper and Ummat magazine rapidly increased. This shift in the respective influence and representation of Islam and Christianity increased religious tensions during the final decade of Suharto’s rule. Without access to the centre of power, some Christians became anxious at how the nation may change if the influence of Muslims 2 Liddle (1996) in particular emphasizes the top-down nature of ICMI, arguing that ‘ICMI should be seen primarily not as a mass political movement but rather as an instrument designed and used by President Suharto for his own purposes’.
The district lacked the presence of major industry or a developed private sector that might have provided an alternative to government jobs and contracts for those not working on the land. In the context of Poso’s demographic composition, state resources thus became the target of intense competition between rival patronage networks organized along communal lines. This urban competition mirrored tensions arising from inequalities in the agricultural sector. There, indigenous highlanders remained concentrated in subsistence agriculture, whereas migrants were more likely to be farming productive cash crops (Aragon 2001).
None of these false positive provinces fall within the range of religious composition Sidel proposes, however. In combination, therefore, the two factors correspond precisely to the five provinces where violence took place (Davidson 2009). The national and local-level elements of this enabling context are outlined below. An Uncertain National Transition When President Suharto was forced to resign in May 1998 in the face of escalating popular protests, few of the dictator’s closest associates went with him.
A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia by Dave McRae